strengths and weaknesses of liberal internationalism strengths and weaknesses of liberal internationalism

For example, a close examination of NATO policy finds that there is far more continuity in the size of countries contributions to NATO forces than would be predicted by U.S. power advantages and allies power more generally. The LIO lens lacks analytic value, both because the LIO concept is inward looking, which leaves it unable to address U.S. interactions with its adversaries, and theoretically weak, which leaves it unable to explain much about the United States interactions with its allies. This was China's view of the U.S.-Japan alliance in past decades and may not have entirely changed. First, China and Russia have begun balancing, even though the LIO was open to them. Preserving the LIO may be the United States best option. 1 (Summer 1992), pp. 25, No. Although sorting out the many possible answers to this question is beyond the scope of this article, a short discussion illustrates the range of possibilities. 129160. Copeland, Economic Interdependence and War. 100103. The document argues later that the order is both a means and an end, but the logic is not convincing, see ibid., p. 40. Next, I describe the logics and mechanisms of the LIO concept. 46, No. In the longer term, a sufficiently powerful state may be able to revise the order; therefore, in this time frame, the order is primarily a means. 4 (Autumn 1992), pp. Bull, The Anarchical Society, p. 8. 158183, doi.org/10.1086/250107. 54, No. These are some fundamental guidelines which Liberal democracies adhere to. Yet another line of argument maintains that the United States leading role in well-institutionalized alliances helps Washington achieve economic agreements that might otherwise be beyond reach and thereby supports openness. 3637. Thus, discussion of lack of competition under anarchy and legitimate authority do not apply to the U.S.-Soviet competition. Many countries see the benefits of joining the European Union such as the freedom to access European trade markets and expand their economies that they are willing to risk and give up national sovereignty to join, The development of the European Union the benefits of membership have proved so great that states have been prepared to pool sovereignty and adjust their legal systems (Larry Wilde, 2009, pg 2). Again, the LIO analysis assumes the answer is yes, but careful analysis is warranted. From simple essay plans, through to full dissertations, you can guarantee we have a service perfectly matched to your needs. F.A. Choosing to join an order does not necessarily indicate that the state prefers that order to other possible orders, including less highly institutionalized orders. This has been both its strength and weakness. Schweller identifies a number of examples of the United States violating the spirit of multilateral cooperation within its own alliance system, including the decision by Dwight Eisenhower's administration not to support Britain and France during the Suez crisis, the adoption by John Kennedy's administration of flexible response in the face of allied opposition, and the decision by Richard Nixon's administration to normalize relations with China without consulting Japan, even though Japan was the United States key regional ally.46 These are important examples of the United States acting unilaterally, largely unconstrained by its allies preferences. International liberalism believes in the power of cooperation and interdependence. See Robert B. McCalla, NATO's Persistence after the Cold War, International Organization, Vol. The transition from mercantilism to free trade and the domestic move toward democracy presented an opportunity to overthrow that feudal legacy. 4 (Spring 1991), pp. *You can also browse our support articles here >. Consequently, if the LIO played a key role, it would have to be in enabling successful Western balancing against the Soviet Union. '53 If U.S. partners felt a duty to comply with U.S. expectations, such serious and persistent burden-sharing problems should not be evident. Ikenberry, Liberal Leviathan, p. 56. To generate greater clarity about the international challenges facing the United States and its options for confronting them, analysts should employ a grand-strategic lens. 213266; Ikenberry, Liberal Leviathan, pp. Liberalism allows individuals to pursue and realize their goals and dreams. 2 (AprilMay 2016), pp. Finally, the Soviet Union was largely excluded from the West's open markets and its financial system; thus, economic interdependence arguments do not apply. Liberalism allows individuals to pursue and potentially achieve their goals and interests. This section reviews scholars understandings of the elements that constitute an international order. For realists, and many positivist lawyers, international law is either a misnomer, because there is no sovereign to enforce it, or it is irrelevant, because powerful states can ignore it. 4345, doi.org/10.1162/isec.21.4.5. Mazarr argues that the liberal international order has always incorporated two distinct and not necessarily reconcilable visions (p. 26). 4755. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. For terms and use, please refer to our Terms and Conditions On the feasibility of collective action without a hegemon, see Duncan Snidal, The Limits of Hegemonic Stability Theory, International Organization, Vol. 3 (Winter 1994/95), pp. Why? Recognitions that markets function in a world of competitive groups & states In general, liberal internationalists regard violence as the policy of last resort, advocate diplomacy and multilateralism as the most-appropriate strategies for states to pursue, and tend to champion supranational political structures (such as the European Union) and international organizations (especially the United Nations ). In addition, features of an effective marketincluding the rule of law and property rightswould favor the development of civil society and, in turn, support liberal democracy.38, In the postCold War era, the most important candidates for convergence were Russia and especially China, given its potential to become an economically advanced peer competitor of the United States. In addition, the United States may find itself overextended with outdated commitments. The UN was (briefly) reinvigorated. 3637, 5455. Jones et al., The State of the International Order, p. 4. Liberman, Trading with the Enemy: Security and Relative Economic Gains, International Security, Vol. 4 (Summer 2001), pp. The advantages of liberal internationalism include multilateral development, the promotion of world peace, and the diversification of cultures. 136138, doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2011.570740; Keir A. Lieber and Gerald Alexander, Waiting for Balancing: Why the World Is Not Pushing Back, International Security, Vol. 157162. 1: Compare and contrast realist and liberal theories of international relations. Art, Why Western Europe Needs the United States and NATO, Political Science Quarterly, Vol. Jens Ringsmose, NATO Burden-Sharing Redux: Continuity and Change after the Cold War, Contemporary Security Policy, Vol. Strengths and weaknesses of neoliberalism 3.1 Strengths 3.2 Weaknesses. 54, No. The argument is not so much wrong as it is incomplete. Search for other works by this author on: 2019 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. This type of argument goes a long way toward explaining the examples of Germany and Japan forgoing nuclear weapons. John Baylis and Steve Smith argue that Liberalism is primarily a theory of government, one that seeks to reconcile order (security) and justice (equality) within a particular community. Once the allied economies had recovered sufficiently, the United States shifted back toward international openness, but the Soviet Union and its allies were not included. One of the strengths of Marxist historiography (I shall come to weaknesses) has been that even while assaulting capitalism it saw the vitality of its early phases, and that even in the course of ridiculing "classical" liberalism as an ideological rationale for bourgeois ascendency, it honored its liberating role in behalf of humanity at large. 3. Ibid., pp. 1 (January/February 2017), pp. These risks depend on the military vulnerabilities created by participating in the alliance and on the state's beliefs about its allies motives and intentions. 1 (January 2009), pp. Conclusion. Analysts who conclude that democracy has these far-reaching positive international impacts find that the LIO has greater potential to benefit its member states than democratic-peace skeptics believe. 4 (July/August 2018), pp. 4990, doi.org/10.1162/ISEC_a_00199; and Michael D. Swaine, Wenyan Deng, and Aube Rey Lescure, Creating A Stable Asia: An Agenda for a U.S.-China Balance of Power (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2016). Another possibility is that analysts use the LIO terminology to refer to a geopolitical status quo that they find desirable. 3 (Winter 1994/95), pp. In effect, this perspective implicitly assumes that what is good for the United States is good for others as well. In other words, my critique does not rely on taking a specific position in the continuing debate over the arguments that lie at the core of liberalism.43. See Michael W. Doyle, Ways of War and Peace: Realism, Liberalism, and Socialism (New York: W.W. Norton, 1997), pp. American national security policy and have set the agenda for scholarship Ikenberry, Liberal Leviathan, pp. China's economy has grown at an extraordinary rate relative to the economies of the United States and its European and Asian allies. 3042, doi.org/10.2307/2539010. Some internationalists (including Mill) supported the idea that enlightenment could be exported to backward countries. please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. With China's rise generating a dramatic shift in the global balance of power, however, the United States needs to engage in a more fundamental evaluation of its interests and the best means for achieving them. Liberal internationalism incorporates interrelated principles on how states' relationships are forged through interdependence, cooperation, supranational political structures, and international organizations. This rules-based order could fully integrate China and therefore might hold greater promise going forward. Instead it will be a non-liberal, non-hegemonic world. For example, the LIO perspective contributed to U.S. enthusiasm for expanding NATO eastward to spread democracy, while giving too little weight to Russia's understanding of expansion's negative implications. Its impact on state behaviour is, however, more contestable. 147180, doi.org/10.1162/ISEC_a_00135. A balance of power system might not appear to qualify as an order; however, many order theorists argue otherwise. In the first section, I discuss different meanings of the term liberal international order and argue that the lack of an agreed upon meaning is a source of policy and analytic confusion. For example, Lake, Hierarchy in International Relations, pp. For example the European Union can be seen as the official regulator of interests in Europe because they try to harmonise trade and travel to prevent any disputes. 4 (Autumn 1985), pp. On various assessments of the threat, see G. John Ikenberry, The Illusion of Geopolitics: The Enduring Power of the Liberal Order, Foreign Affairs, Vol. With aligned interests, nations can pool their resources and work together. 19, No. Democracy is a central element of the liberal worldview. He directs the Elliott School's Institute for Security and Conflict Studies. European beliefs/information about the United States benign intentions reflected not only its democratic regime type, but also its historical reluctance to engage in European security affairs. Here you can choose which regional hub you wish to view, providing you with the most relevant information we have for your specific region. 1 (Summer 1996), pp. Consider, for example, the common observation that the LIO faces growing threats as a result of China's rise and Russia's assertive foreign policies. 727, doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2016.1170477. International Relations Overview & Topics | What is International Relations? Moreover, the claim that economic interdependence automatically ameliorates the chances of conflict is disputable. Third, framing analysis of U.S. policy in terms of the LIO builds in a significant status quo bias. Alliances provide a prime example: if a powerful state decides that a major war would be too costly, it can abandon its ally; and the powerful state can attack or coerce its ally, which may have been weakened by joining the alliance.45 In deciding whether to join an alliance that promises large security benefits, a weak state will have to take these risks into account. The institutional binding argument suffers serious weaknesses. Competing Ideologies During the Restoration: Liberalism & Socialism. 1724. Get unlimited access to over 88,000 lessons. The research for this project was supported by a Minerva grant from the U.S. Department of Defense. European, Asian, and regional security 167214, doi.org/10.2307/2009958; Charles L. Glaser, The Security Dilemma Revisited, World Politics, Vol. Liberalism in international relations means that nations are able to cooperate and collaborate in the pursuit of greater mutual goals. One strand of the LIO conceptregime typelikely contributes here to understanding NATO's cohesion. A weakness of the liberal perspective on the world is that of the Liberal institutionalism. More important, the LIO terminology clouds analysis of international policy by obscuring what is actually occurring. See also Joseph S. Nye Jr., Will the Liberal Order Survive? Another strand of the LIO concept holds that hierarchy built on legitimate authority, granted by subordinate (i.e., weaker) states to the dominant (i.e., stronger) state, is essential to explaining cooperation under anarchy. Fails, Push and Pull on the Periphery: Inadvertent Expansion in World Politics, Social Cohesion and Community Displacement in Armed Conflict, The MIT Press colophon is registered in the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office. 1 (October 1997), pp. 97, No. 139170, at p. 142, doi.org/10.1177/1354066106064505. Instead, states should cooperate through diplomacy with a focus on multilateralism where all countries work together on an issue that affects them to reach a solution. On this flaw in collective security systems, see Charles L. Glaser, Why NATO Is Still Best: Future Security Arrangements for Europe, International Security, Vol. To take an obvious example, NATO certainly influenced U.S.-Soviet interactions during the Cold War. | 11 Because they are explicitly exclusionary, spheres of influence are understood to reflect some degree of competition. 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As Jack Donnelly explains, anarchy and hierarchy are not opposites, and hierarchy can exist within anarchy.49 Therefore, hierarchy within the LIO would not reveal much about the comparable relationship between the states that are included within the order and those outside itincluding, most importantly, the Soviet Union during the Cold War and China today. There are well-established theories that explain these interactions. Analysis of U.S. international policy would be improved by dropping the LIO terminology entirely and reframing analysis in terms of grand strategy. International law is also seen as a source of stability and a force for peace. Explaining other features of NATO requires institutional and regime theories, not the LIO concept. Although the main influences moulding institutional change in each state have been internal, state transformation has been an international process of interrelated responses to global change. of your Kindle email address below. Registered office: Creative Tower, Fujairah, PO Box 4422, UAE. In combination, these arguments support the neo-isolationist conclusion that ending U.S. alliances would not threaten the openness of the global economy. Provide examples to support your argument. Western economic strength, combined with the Soviet Union's economic weakness and its misguided defense policies, contributed to the ability of the United States to win the Cold War. 1820. Fourth, by viewing the LIO as an unalloyed good, U.S. leaders risk failing to appreciate fully that adversaries of the United States view central pillars of the LIOits alliances, in particularas a source of competition and threat. Ikenberry, Liberal Leviathan, pp. Upon completing this lesson, you will be able to: To unlock this lesson you must be a Study.com Member. Most analyses of international orders concentrate on major powers, focusing on their achievement of peace and prosperity, and emphasize the benefits of states acceptance of norms and institutions. Second, the logics that drive these interactions are not those included in the LIO concept. Donnelly, Sovereign Inequalities and Hierarchy in Anarchy: American Power and International Society, European Journal of International Relations, Vol. viewpoints. 115144, doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.2.1.115; and Jan Teorell, Determinants of Democratization: Explaining Regime Change in the World, 19722006 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010). As states habitually comply with the rules, so cooperation across the system will increase. Jack Donnelly argues that authority is often associated incorrectly with hierarchy. Explaining more nuanced features of NATO requires other theories, including bargaining theory and neo-institutional theories. Proponents of international liberalism also believe that international law and international commerce are tools that will help create peace and order in international relations. It should also be noted that China is much more integrated into the international economy, including importantly via the WTO, than the Soviet Union ever was. 717, 4044, 199210, at pp. Try refreshing the page, or contact customer support. Furthermore, the bundling of the security and economic components of U.S. international policy under the LIO umbrella does not define a whole that is significantly greater than the sum of its parts. 134, doi.org/10.1017/S0020818306060012. This is so to create international harmony and cooperation as countries are allowed to trade with each other. In the interwar period, internationalists focused on defending and then reforming the League of Nations and developing international law. 60107, doi.org/10.1080/09636410008429406; and Mark L. Haas, The United States and the End of the Cold War: Reactions to Shifts in Soviet Power, Policies, or Domestic Politics? International Organization, Vol. 933937, doi.org/10.1017/S0020818314000216; and John M. Schuessler and Joshua Itzkowitz Shifrinson, The Shadow of Exit: Insularity and American Preponderance, Texas A&M University and Boston University, January 16, 2018. Nations should be free to work with whomever they choose, and those that they work with should consider them equals. 273281. Create your account, 19 chapters | The U.S. Andrew J. Nathan, The Puzzle of the Chinese Middle Class, Journal of Democracy, Vol. 247318. Some countries see this as weakness and are prepared to exploit this to try and achieve concessions through taking advantage of Liberalism for example North Korea trying to get concessions for giving up nuclear weapons. Given these theoretical weaknesses, the LIO concept cannot support claims that the LIO's institutions have been more effective or better able to weather shocks from the international system than they would have been otherwise. Scholars have extensively debated the impact of democracy on international politics.22 Democratic peace theory, which explains cooperation and peace between democracies, and related features of democratic exceptionalism have received much support, although scholars continue to disagree over which specific mechanisms produce these outcomes. 265276. Study for free with our range of university lectures! Because the United States is a liberal democracy, during the Cold War its NATO partners were far less worried that the United States would exploit vulnerabilities that were generated by the alliance.66 This information argument is far more compelling than the institutional binding argument. Do you have a 2:1 degree or higher? China is not a democracy, and it is not a member of the United States security alliances in Asia; indeed, China is now the target of these alliances. 1 (January 2009), pp. Given its inward focus, however, the LIO concept fails to identify additional interactions, outcomes, or benefits. 159219, at p. 216. 519, https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/article/puzzle-chinese-middle-class. See also Alagappa, The Study of International Order. He identifies three broad categories of international orderinstrumental, normative-contractual, and solidarist. What are their strength and weaknesses? 86120, doi.org/10.1017/S0043887109000045. In this section, I demonstrate that a variety of international relations theoriesmost importantly, defensive realismprovide satisfactory explanations for key historical outcomes, including cooperation under anarchy, NATO's successful balancing, the Cold War peace, and the lack of balancing against the United States following the end of the Cold War. 145179, doi.org/10.1017/S002081830707004X. @free.kindle.com emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. Theorists of the LIO claim that many facets of democratic states help make feasible a liberal order that produces cooperation, unilateral restraint, and peace: democratic states have common interests; they expect that interactions will be based on consensus and reciprocity, not simply on the exercise of power; they can overcome the security dilemma; and they can make credible commitments that provide confidence that powerful states will restrain their use of force.21 As a result, democracies are better able to maintain alliances, pursue open trade, and establish and abide by rules that guide international behavior. Create your account. That has led to a qualitative shift in the nature of the international system. The LIO concept includes some theories/mechanisms about the nature of threats to U.S. interests and about possible solutions: authoritarian regimes are dangerous, democracies are not; economic engagement can reduce incentives for war; economic growth will convert authoritarian regimes to democracies; and so on. Gene Gerzhoy, Alliance Coercion and Nuclear Restraint: How the United States Thwarted West Germany's Nuclear Ambitions, International Security, Vol. For an overview of these arguments, see Brooks and Wohlforth, America Abroad, pp. World War II dealt a further blow to their ambitions, although the postwar fortunes of internationalism are mixed. A weaker state that requires the alliance for its security may have little choice but to accept highly asymmetric terms. Political Realism Theory & Principles | What is Political Realism? Proponents of the LIO have made ambitious claims about its positive impact on U.S. security, maintaining that it was responsible for the Cold War peace, U.S. success in winning the Cold War, the specialization of capabilities within U.S. alliances,40 and the lack of balancing against predominant U.S. power following the Cold War. lessons in math, English, science, history, and more. The LIO concept says little about the expected results when only some of its mechanisms apply. 96, No. The other key ingredient was the U.S. offer of participation in much of the Western liberal order to the rest of the world so that potential rivals could benefit from engaging with the United States.71, There are two problems with this argument. For example, balance of threat theory does an excellent job of explaining the basics of NATO's Cold War cohesion and effectiveness. 7791. This is not to imply that this type of authority and duty does not exist in other types of relationships. A different possibility is that economic openness increases U.S. security: openness advantages the U.S. economy or its allies economies, or both, which increases their military potential. For others, it requires the construction of international institutions. @kindle.com emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply. See, for example, Stewart Patrick, World Order: What, Exactly, Are the Rules? Washington Quarterly, Vol. Liberal democracy is in decline across the globe. International Relations Overview & Theories | What is International Relations? On wealth as a barrier to reversion, see Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi, Modernization: Theories and Fact, World Politics, Vol. 3566, doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2016.1161899. Another considerable strength of liberal internationalism is the promotion of free trade between states on a global scale. Moreover, the powerful state's willingness to break a commitment would be reinforced by its discounting of future costsstates typically place less weight on the future than on the present, which supports breaking an agreement to acquire the benefits now, while suffering the costs later. White House, National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington, D.C.: White House, May 2010), p. 12, https://www.hsdl.org/?abstract&did=24251. Alliances are foremost a form of competition vis--vis an adversary; cooperation with potential allies enables this competition.